For
many years, countries in sub-Saharan Africa have spent large amounts on
subsidizing fuel and electricity. For both sources of energy combined, this
averages around 3 – 4 percent of GDP. That is about the same magnitude as
public spending on health in many countries. Now we need to ask some important
questions.
Is this a good use of scarce resources? Where does this money go?
Is it helping to support the livelihood of the poorest in African economies?
Is
it helping to boost the country’s competitiveness?
The answers are largely, no. I believe this money can and must be used better to invest in the critical physical and social infrastructure required to sustain growth in sub-Saharan Africa. A recent IMF paper backs this up.
Tracking who benefits
Most
of the fuel products are consumed by higher income groups. The situation is even more acute with electricity subsidies, as a large
majority of the poor are not even connected to the grid.
Sometimes, the benefits don’t even stay in the country, given the incentives to smuggle subsidized fuel products to higher price neighbouring countries. Oil exporters generally have higher subsidies because they are less likely to face the financing constraints that oil importers may encounter when international oil prices are high. In addition, subsidy costs tend to be less transparent—appearing in the form of lower profits of state oil companies rather than explicit costs to the budget. Sometimes they fall into the trap of looking at their low costs of production instead of the resources forgone if they sold the fuel at world market prices. That said, we need to approach reform in a transparent and carefully planned way. Removing subsidies will affect all income groups, given the poor do receive some of the benefits, including from the impact of lower transport prices on food costs.
Sometimes, the benefits don’t even stay in the country, given the incentives to smuggle subsidized fuel products to higher price neighbouring countries. Oil exporters generally have higher subsidies because they are less likely to face the financing constraints that oil importers may encounter when international oil prices are high. In addition, subsidy costs tend to be less transparent—appearing in the form of lower profits of state oil companies rather than explicit costs to the budget. Sometimes they fall into the trap of looking at their low costs of production instead of the resources forgone if they sold the fuel at world market prices. That said, we need to approach reform in a transparent and carefully planned way. Removing subsidies will affect all income groups, given the poor do receive some of the benefits, including from the impact of lower transport prices on food costs.
Eyes on growth
There
are also serious costs from a more medium to longer-term growth perspective.
First,
subsidies distort investment decisions by both the public and private sectors.
A failure by power companies to recover costs leads to a vicious circle of
underinvestment: neglected infrastructure crumbles, leading to frequent power
outages that reduce competitiveness and depress potential growth. Private
investors are discouraged from much needed investment to expand supply.
This
is indeed the story of sub-Saharan Africa since the mid-1980s, where per-capita
energy production and consumption have barely increased, and where today
(excluding South Africa) installed capacity for the entire region is still
about one-third that of Spain. Without a significant increase in power
generation capacity, sub-Saharan Africa will not be able to maintain current
economic growth rates for the next two decades. Simulations done by the
World Bank suggest that if electricity infrastructure in all sub-Saharan
countries were improved to that of a better performer (such as Mauritius),
long-term per capita growth rates would be 2 percentage points higher. In
many countries, small-scale operations and a reliance on expensive thermal
systems or emergency power drive up costs. Countries flush with low-cost hydro
or natural gas resources need to increase production and build the infrastructure
to invigorate regional trading through power pools.
Also,
energy
subsidies directly crowd out other critical spending, including on
much-needed infrastructure and social services. For example, even after recent
reductions, Nigeria’s government spends more of their outlays on energy
subsidies than on education and health.
Mounting costs
We
see other costs too, such as the environmental costs from overconsumption of
fuel products relative to other forms of energy. In a continent blessed with
considerable sources of renewable energy—hydro and solar for example—subsidies
continue to encourage fossil fuel dependency and undermine the competitiveness
of these renewable sources.
So if there are large opportunity costs and the poor are not gaining much, why do subsidies continue? How do we go about reforming them?
One
reason for their persistence is that energy subsidies are a relatively easy way
for governments to transfer resources, especially when compared to undeveloped
social safety nets. A second is that politically vocal interest groups who are
the main beneficiaries are loath to give up these large handouts and will seek
to undermine reform efforts. And third, the population at large is often
reluctant to give up these subsidies, not trusting that their government will
use the savings for either better social protection or growth-enhancing
investment.
A path to reform
Reform
is therefore not easy. But the IMF’s detailed review of country experiences
across the globe highlights some useful lessons that can increase the chances
of success. Let me highlight three that are of particular importance in
sub-Saharan Africa. First, careful preparation and sequencing is needed. You
need to build public understanding of the status quo—how much is being expended
on subsidies and who is benefiting? It takes time to build consensus for
reducing energy subsidies among all stakeholders. Both Namibia and Kenya
took many years of preparation before successful energy reforms were
implemented. Part of careful preparation involves a strong public
communications campaign, introducing compensatory measures for those most
affected, and demonstrating how the savings will be used.
Second,
sustained reform requires strong institutions. Tanzania’s fuel subsidy reform
included the establishment of a specialized regulatory entity, not only to
issue licenses and technical regulations, but also to keep the public
constantly informed about prices and to review the proper functioning of the
market.
And
third, durable electricity subsidy reduction requires much more than tariff
increases. Tariffs in sub-Saharan Africa are already considerably higher than
in other regions because of higher costs. Efficiency gains in public utilities
are possible through improving governance, lowering distribution and commercial
losses and raising revenue collection rates. And low levels of public debt in
many sub-Saharan African countries provide an opportunity for significant
investment in cheaper sources of energy production.
Energy subsidy reform is a critical policy challenge that is central to the future growth agenda in sub-Saharan Africa. While a gradual approach may be appropriate given the overall difficulties, the payoffs from successful reform are huge. So we now need to approach subsidy reform with renewed vigour—there is no time to waste.
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